In a recent speech commemorating the 17th anniversary of what he terms the "victory over Israel," Hezbollah's leader Nasrallah refreshed aggressive stances. The rhetoric, steeped in historical references and current affairs, mirrors the broader strategy of Iran, Hezbollah's primary ally, in its ongoing conflict with Israel. Nasrallah's speech echoed his recent rhetoric toward Israel. It also aligns with the propaganda narrative of Iran, its chief backer, which prioritizes its conflict with Israel.
Hezbollah and Iran view the Second Lebanon War as a pivotal moment, interpreting it as evidence of "divine intervention" against Israel and as a testament to the ascendancy of Shiites in the region.
Recently, Hezbollah has gained esteem from military pundits and commentators. The group also capitalizes on the unrest in Israel, juxtaposing its might against what it perceives as Israel's fragility. Well-versed in Israeli media, both Nasrallah and Iran leverage Israel's internal discourse—particularly the sentiments of protest leaders about IDF service refusal and societal divisions. This is used to amplify their narrative of Hezbollah's triumph and to validate the sacrifices made in their prolonged struggle against Israel, which they believe is now yielding results.
Amid rising threats to Israel's critical infrastructure, including the Dimona nuclear reactor, Hezbollah's Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah delivered (August 14) a live address on Al-Manar TV, marking the 17th anniversary of the July 2006 war's conclusion with Israel. The speech emphasized Israel's perceived weaknesses post the 2006 war, highlighting the ever-evolving dynamics of power and resistance in the region.
Nasrallah depicted that "legendary epic over 33 days" as having been a turning point that signaled the beginning of a longer-term weakening of the Israeli military, emphasizing particularly what he described as the deterioration of its fighting spirit and a breakdown in trust between troops and leadership "All the achievements during the past years would not have been possible without building on the results of the victory in the July 2006 War…(now) After 17 years, the enemy was unable to deal with the effects of the July War on its entity, army, political level, and home front… The security doctrine that Ben-Gurion placed in the enemy entity was based on deterrence, warning, Ben-Gurion placed security doctrine in the enemy entity and decisiveness. After 2006, the enemy added a 4th element: defense and protection… From 2006 until today, the enemy has been conducting periodic maneuvers for the “home” front, but the result is that the “home” front is not yet ready for any future war.
Highlighting Hezbollah's increasing influence, Nasrallah mentioned, "The Resistance is intensifying notably in Lebanon and the West Bank, while Israel is receding. Israel grapples with the challenges posed by the Resistance fighters in the West Bank, underlining IDF's lack of ground victories" in Lebanon, the West Bank, and Gaza.
The specific reference to the West Bank is a continuation of Iran's activity, according to the directive of the leader Khamenei, to arm the Palestinian organizations, and especially the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, in the territories of the West Bank and to turn it into a central conflict scene with Israel, similar to Lebanon and Gaza. This is perceived as a component of Iran's strategy to encircle Israel by strengthening the "Axis of Resistance."
Hezbollah and Iran are actively monitoring the protests in Israel that legal reforms have triggered. They draw substantial encouragement from comments made by former security leaders, ex-prime ministers, and politicians about Israel's perceived weaknesses. These statements are swiftly translated into Arabic and Persian and disseminated in Iranian newspapers, Iran's multilingual propaganda networks, and the social media channels of Hezbollah and Iran. They serve as firsthand evidence in their narrative of Israel's vulnerability and disintegration.
Drawing parallels with Shiite narratives, Nasrallah remarked on the coincidence of the victory's anniversary with the month of Muharram, referencing the iconic Battle of Karbala in 680. e thanked Iran and Syria for their unwavering support during the "July War."
Reacting to the Israeli defense minister's recent threats to return Lebanon to the Stone Age, Nasrallah retorted with a stark warning about Hezbollah's capability to target Israeli critical infrastructure. he warned that Hezbollah and its allies could now do the same to Israel; "the enemy's War Minister threatens to return Lebanon to the Stone Age, and this is not new, but what they must understand is what can Lebanon and its Resistance do to the enemy entity? You, too, will return to the Stone Age if you go to war with Lebanon".
Nasrallah warned: "All civilian and military airports, air force bases, power, and water generating stations, main communication centers, infrastructure, oil refineries, and the Dimona reactor… the enemy must calculate how many precision missiles the Resistance needs to hit all these targets".
Nasrallah said: "What if the battle develops with the entire Axis of Resistance? Then there will be no such thing as Israel… Israeli leaders must know that in this arena, they are not playing a game of scoring points but rather a game of existence and annihilation…Today's enemy entity is weaker than in 2006 politically, militarily, popularly, and morally, and the "Axis of Resistance" is much stronger than in 2006".
Nasrallah asserted Hezbollah's commitment to reclaim "occupied border areas": "The Resistance will regain the rest of the occupied border areas. Hezbollah is the true shield dear to Lebanon and its people and is part of the Resistance Axis in the great challenge". n this context, Hezbollah's media outlets and social networks often present the organization's forces and military capabilities, especially the Radwan force, and the outlines and scenarios for taking over Israeli territories. The organization also presents its array of missiles, rockets, and tunnels it dug to penetrate Israeli territory.
He also argued the recent demarcation of Lebanese and Israeli maritime gas and oil fields would not have been possible without Hezbollah's efforts in 2006 and its deterrent role guaranteeing Lebanese sovereignty. What prevents the enemy from diminishing Lebanon's rights in its natural wealth is Lebanon's strength and the enemy's understanding that any attempt to confiscate a Lebanese right will be met with a strong reaction".
Nasrallah praised the upcoming arrival of a drilling platform in the Block 9 sector of Lebanese waters, scheduled for August 16. ." e advised Lebanese politicians to avoid allowing partisan politics to hinder the establishment of a national sovereign fund dedicated to gas and oil revenues.
In his address, Nasrallah also touched upon the ongoing sectarian tensions within Lebanon. He highlighted that his speech coincided with Shia and Christian religious observances and directly addressed Lebanon's Christian community. This was about the communal disturbances triggered when a Hezbollah truck loaded with weapons toppled over in the Christian-majority village of Kahale. The incident subsequently led to deadly confrontations between the local populace and Hezbollah militants with the vehicle. Fadi Bejjani was killed in a gunfight that also killed a Hezbollah member. Bejjani was close to the Christian Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) and a former bodyguard for Elie Hobeika. Nasrallah emphasized that Hezbollah held no grievances against the residents of Kahale but noted that external individuals had intervened in the matter.
To conclude, he shed light on the surge in attacks by the Islamic State group in various regions, insinuating a possible U.S. role in orchestrating the uptick.
In addition to Nasrallah's speech on 14 August, Al-Manar's satellite channel and other Hezbollah media outlets and social networks dedicated substantial parts of their programming to honor the 2006 war anniversary. They showcased archive footage of the conflict, including images of destroyed Israeli tanks and rocket launches, and hailed "Hezbollah's victory" through musical tributes and poetry. Various discussion programs were also aired, revisiting key moments and events from the war.
Nasrallah's speech marking the 17th anniversary of the "victory over Israel" echoed his recent rhetoric towards Israel. It also aligns with the propaganda narrative of Iran, its chief backer, which prioritizes its conflict with Israel.
Hezbollah and Iran view the Second Lebanon War as a pivotal moment, interpreting it as evidence of "divine intervention" against Israel and as a testament to the ascendancy of Shiites.
Recently, Hezbollah has gained esteem from military pundits and commentators. The group also capitalizes on the unrest in Israel, juxtaposing its might against what it perceives as Israel's fragility. Well-versed in Israeli media, both Nasrallah and Iran leverage Israel's internal discourse—particularly the sentiments of protest leaders about IDF service refusal and societal divisions. This is used to amplify their narrative of Hezbollah's triumph and to validate the sacrifices made in their prolonged struggle against Israel, which they believe is now yielding results.
Concurrently, Hezbollah is tethered to Lebanon's unstable political landscape and increasingly embroiled in domestic disputes. While the group benefits from unwavering Iranian support, it might soon be entangled in power struggles with Lebanon's other sects. This is primarily due to the repercussions Lebanon faces—and might continue to face—because of escalating tensions with Israel.
Comments